A Day in History

Remembering the Men who Stood for Truth


A Day in History
by Fariba Amini

Dr. Seyed Ali Shayegan (1902-1981), professor of law, political advisor to Dr. Mossadegh and a member of his cabinet, was a distinguished man of letters who taught at Tehran University. After the infamous coup, he was arrested alongside with Dr. Mossadegh and other members of the National Front. He was initially sentenced to life imprisonment and then to ten years. He spent three years in prison. He later went to self-exile in the U.S. and lived in New Jersey with his family until the 1979 Revolution, when he returned to Iran. He passed away two years later in N.J. His remains were flown to Iran where he was buried in the family cemetery. Years later, Mrs. Badri Sheybani Shayegan, his companion in life and in struggle was buried next to him.

Ahmad Shayegan, his eldest son, has published his memoirs (in Persian) titled, “The Political Life, Writings and Speeches of Seyed Ali Shayegan,” Agah Publishers, 2005, Tehran.

In dedication to Ahmad and all the men, like his father, who stood by the man who sought nothing except dignity and prosperity for his nation, I took a few pages from the book and translated them for this occasion.

28th Mordad

Like every morning, I got up early to go see Dr. Mossadegh at his house [on Kakh Street] from Emam Zadeh Ghasem in Shemiran. Since the hammam—our bath in the house in the city—was more convenient and better equipped, I took my wife and our new baby who had been born a few weeks earlier to wash up and from there I went to Dr. Mossadegh’s house.

The night before, I had prepared the draft for a referendum bill for the provisional government to present to Dr. M. for approval. While I was waiting to see him, Mr. Mohammad Hossein Qashqayee entered the reception area; he had just come out of Dr. M.’s room. I asked him what news he had. He said that these [Americans] were determined to bring Dr. M. down at any cost. I told him, have you said this to the Dr.? He said, yes. I asked, did he [Dr. M.] say anything in response. He said, no.

Later on, Mr. Nasser Khan Qashqayee would tell me that they [the leaders of the Qashqayee tribe] had sent a message to Dr. M. that if he allowed them, they would be ready to send in enough people to help the government in Tehran, but that he had not given them permission.

The morning before, when I had gone to the Dr.’s house; near the door, two or three members of the Tudeh Party were waiting for him; when I got out of the car, they came towards me. I knew one of them. He was a high school teacher, a freedom lover and a patriotic man. They said, the opposition is getting ready to stage a coup. Please tell the Dr. that if he gives us arms we will form a “national guard” and obey the government’s orders. I promised them to relay the message to Dr. M., which I did. The Dr.’s answer was again negative.

Little by little, members of the National Front (NF) came. Nariman, Hasibi, Dr. Fatemi, Dr. Sanjabi, Razavi, Zirak-zadeh, Dr. Sadiqi, Moazami, the brother of Dr. Moazami who was the Minister of Post and Telegraph. From outside, you could hear lots of commotion. The news broke that a bunch of ruffians were approaching Dr. Mossadegh’s house. Slowly the clamor increased. Another piece of news was that some individuals were heading to capture Tehran’s radio station.

We thought that both the army and Shahrbani (the city security office) were in the hands of the government. Since the head of Shahrbani was Dr. Mossadegh’s nephew and both the head of the army and the head of dejban were under his control and the fact that people supported Dr. M. and the NF with all their heart and without hesitation, we felt there was no reason for worry. But the facts on the ground were different since the head of the army was not a fighter and later suspicion grew around him. But it is highly unlikely that he, whom Dr. M. had trusted with a position that was always held by one of the Shah’s cronies, would betray him and work hand in hand with the enemy of Iran’s freedom and independence. Subsequently, by accepting this position, he was held in jail and spent three years of his life incarcerated with other freedom seekers.

As usual Dr. M. was in bed and members of the NF would come and go to and from his room and talk to him. Everyone was worried and frightened of what could happen. Dr. Sanjabi told us that he had mentioned to Dr. M. that he could bring enforcement from the Sanjabi tribe but that the latter had refused. Matters were growing worse by the hour and the noise was getting louder. Around 3 in the afternoon, lunch was served, but no one cared about food. After lunch, not many people stayed around including Dr. Sanjabi. It was reported to Dr. Fatemi’s family that he had been killed, so he went to his house to let his wife know that he was ok. After that, we did not see him [Fatemi] anymore. The other members of the NF gathered around Dr. M.’s room. Dr. M. was sitting on his bed, watching from his window. The sound of tanks and gunfire could be heard.

Dr. M. who knew his life was constantly under threat, had ordered the construction of a wall around the terrace in front of his room. On this summer terrace, the Dr. would sit in the evenings and meet with members of his cabinet and other NF people. The walls were protective in case someone fired a shot; only gunfire from the air would be dangerous.

All the time, people would come to the house and relay the most horrible news. One was that the guard to the (iron) door of Dr. M.’s house had been killed.

Dr. M.’s room was not very safe and quite small; it was located on the second floor of the house. This 3x4 room had windows on all four sides. On one corner was his bed. The door to the wall of his bed had a window towards the north. In front of the bed, there was a window measuring one meter which opened fully to the terrace, and to the left of the bed there was another door that opened to another room.

In this small and unsafe room, we were standing or sitting, all of us silent in his honor, but terrified at the same time. Whenever a door opened and someone would come in, our hearts beat faster. One of the visitors who came in was Mr. Daftari (the head of Shahrbani) who, after giving a military salute to Dr. M., started crying. Dr. M. was his uncle. But Daftari was the Shah’s crony and was the man in charge of destroying us. Perhaps his tears were not illogical since on the one hand, he was Dr. M.’s close relative (his brother’s son) and on the other hand, he had to obey orders by way of his position but also because of future promised positions and knowing that the Shah’s coup was in the making, and so he had decided to relent to the Shah, which made his cries those of a weak man who now felt exposed.

His cry, which at that moment meant the fall of Dr. M., had made everything clear for us.

In these trying moments, everyone was silent. While the news and the discussions seemed to reflect our doomed future, Mr. Nariman got up and took his revolver from his pocket. He then turned towards Dr. M. and said, isn’t better to get rid of ourselves before the enemy gets to us? I propose that we commit suicide. Dr. M. became agitated and told some of those in the room to take the revolver from his hand and shouted at him to sit down and told one of us to take the revolver and lock it in a drawer.

Long hours passed by slowly and with each passing hour, it seemed, our lives were in more danger and our arrest became imminent. But Dr. M. was still sitting in the same manner. Every once in a while, someone would propose to him to move to another room or leave the house, a house that eventually would be the target of destruction and fire so that he would not be in danger, but he would not listen. He then turned to us and said that he had decided to stay in this very house and die there. “I don’t expect any of you to stay and I am asking you to go to your homes,” he said. It was obvious that no one agreed to this. That is no one was ok with him staying in the room or leaving him there alone or getting separated from him.

In this very instance, a shot was fired from the direction of the wall from above the terrace, breaking the southern side of the windows of the room. This gunshot, if it had gone through the window, would have certainly hit Dr. M. We all became terrified and told Dr. M. that it was now time to move to the adjacent room. With our persistence and giving up to our demand, Dr. M. finally accepted to leave. Thus, we all left for the next rooms and finally left the house for the neighbor’s and went to the house next door by way of the rooftop. It was now getting dark; some jumped down from the roof and some held on to branches of trees that had been planted there, coming down slowly. We helped the Dr. to come down without harm but Mohandes Zirak-Zadeh broke his leg while jumping down.

In the neighbor’s house, the only person present was the caretaker. The owner and his family had gone to Shemiran for the summer season. The first thing that crossed our mind was whether we could stay in that house or not. We told the caretaker to call the owner and ask him if it was OK. Of course the answer was yes in the most respectful way.

Unfortunately the house was not ready for any occupants. There were no rugs or furniture and no food, not even for one meal. The basement of the house seemed safe so we all went there and sat on the cold floor without any covered rugs. We were all silent so as not to make any noise to be heard. Some wanted to call their families but it was not suitable.

It was a difficult night since everyone was hungry and there was nothing there to eat except a few pieces of bread. Some of our friends slept on a kelim which was laid on the floor and fell asleep from sheer fatigue. Gunfire could be heard. Then morning came and after some discussion, a few people left. I along with Dr. Sadiqi and Mohandes Moazami stayed with Dr. M. around … In the morning, with the streets empty, we went to the house of Mohandes Moazami’s mother which was nearby. There was much discussion on what to do next. Dr. Mossadegh believed that we should give ourselves up immediately and so we contacted Mr. Sharif Emami by telephone. It was around 7 pm that he called us and agreed to meet with us if necessary.

But a few moments later Dr. M. told us that we should not wait any longer and we should give ourselves up, so we decided to call the Shahrbani. One of the colleagues called the Shahrbani and we told them of our whereabouts.

It was at this moment that a few military servicemen who were looking around the neighborhood entered our house. They first looked into the rooms on the first floor and then they went upstairs to the second floor. Suddenly, they saw Dr. M and without saying anything, they notified the Shahrbani; Dr. M. told them that we were ready to surrender to the authorities on condition that they provide our safe departure.

At this time, a car appeared in front of the house and some individuals, whom we did not recognize, entered the house. Since we were all ready to leave anyway, they took us to the military headquarters. They immediately informed General Zahedi. A few military vehicles full of armed soldiers took us the Officers’ Club at which time we saw Zahedi waiting there on the steps; he shook Dr. M’s hands and then they incarcerated us right there.

A few hours later, in the middle of the night, they took Dr. Sadiqi and I to Shahrbani. In the morning, Dr. M. was informed and sent a message to Mr. Zahedi to the effect that, unless he let us come back to the Officers’ Club, he would start a hunger strike. It was because of this threat that we were returned to the Club and after 24 hours Dr. M. broke his hunger strike and we had breakfast with him.

We spent a few days at the Officers’ Club. One evening at midnight, they told us to get ready to leave again. Dr. Sadiqi, Mohandes Moazami and I were put into a jeep and taken to an unknown destiny. We drove this distance, each in separate cars. Fifteen minutes later, they handed us to the officer on duty at Saltanat Abad. It was in Saltanat Abad that our interrogation began. We did not know of each other’s well being as each of us was kept in a separate room. A few weeks later, we were taken to the Lashgar Zerehi. All this time, we did not know where Dr. Mossadegh was being held until one day they informed me that I should present myself at the trial. As I entered the courtroom and saw Dr. M. for the first time, I was very happy since until that point I had no idea how he was doing.

[When Dr. Shayegan saw Dr. Mossadegh in the courtroom for the first time after being separated from him, he recited the following verse: “Seeing a friend filled my heart so much so that I forgot all about myself”].


The American Ambassador to Iran in a telegram dated 21st of August, describing the events of those days and of calmness in Tehran and other provincial towns, wrote, “ The most upsetting fact that we should take into account is that a few very dangerous individuals of the nationalist leaders have not been arrested as of yet. These include, Mossadegh, Fatemi, Shayegan, Hasibi and others. They could in turn cooperate with the Tudeh leaders and conspire with them. Fatemi, contrary to reports that he was assassinated on Aug. 19th, is still alive. He is the most notorious and infamous in Mossadegh’s entourage. Because of his vengeful nature, he will likely do anything to form an alliance of nationalists and Tudeh members.” (Colonel Nejati, Mossadegh: Years of Struggle and Resistance)

“After the arrest of Dr. Mossadegh, Dr. Shayegan, Dr. Sadighi, Mohandes Seifollah Moazami, on August 20th 1953, each and every one of Mossadegh’s colleagues was arrested and incarcerated. Among them were Abdolali Lotfi, Sartip Taghi Riahi, Bashir Farahmand (who was injured badly), Keshavarz Sadr and others. The military commander announced that more than 200 of the former government officials were arrested and taken to the prisons of Shahrbani, military prison. On 4th of Shahrivar, a group of them were taken to the prison of Falafolaflak and others were taken to Khark Island.” (Mohammad Ali Safari- Pen and Politics: An Overview of the Modern History of Iran).


Excerpts of an interview with Dr. Shayegan in 1980:

What do you think of the 25th of Mordad coup and how Dr. M. reacted towards the coup planners?

After the first coup we were not waiting for the second coup to take place and because of this the execution of Nasiri and other collaborators was never discussed. In light of what happened later, if the government had reacted more forcefully, perhaps the Aug 19th coup would not have occurred or at least not so fast. At my tribunal and that of Mohandess Razavi and Dr. Hossein Fatemi in order to provoke the judges against me they used the phrase I had uttered in a speech that “The item which was supposed to go to Egypt went to Baghdad instead.” [Referring to the Shah who fled to Baghdad].

They tried Dr. Mossadegh alone; but they tried Dr. Razavi, Dr. Fatemi and me together. Dr. Fatemi was arrested alone. This courageous man endured much in prison. He had been stabbed several times with a knife and could not even get out of bed. While lying on his back, his injuries got worse resulting in new wounds. Even until the day before his execution, everyone thought the Shah would pardon him. On the night of his execution, we went to bed happy, thinking that he was not in imminent danger. But they woke us up in the middle of the night to tell us whether we wanted to say our last good-byes to the Dr. Mohandes Razavi and I went to see him. In the room, Dr. Fatemi was sleeping on the bed. To talk about those moments is very difficult for me. In any case, after an hour or so, we heard shots fired; it was at that moment that Dr. Razavi and I realized that our friend and long- time colleague had been executed.

What do you think of the current situation and of the Revolution?

I have repeatedly expressed my opinion in this regard and I will say it again. I don’t know how much one should emphasize the importance of freedom and independence of Iran which must be at the forefront of the Revolution. But from what I have seen and heard in the last few weeks in Tehran and other cities, the news is worrisome. It is disturbing and disappointing that freedom seekers have been targeted. I even read in a newspaper that some people attempted to bomb my house. They must realize that like years before, when hundreds of thousands were not afraid of death, today the same number of people are not afraid of these threats and will continue the struggle…..

(Bamdad, No. 85, Sunday 28 Mordad 1358 (August 19, 1980)


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more from Fariba Amini

Two legislation out of two hundred discussed, 198 more to go

by Zendanian on

Critiques of Mosadegh's legislative record brought up only two instances which they think was not all that progressive. How about the 198 more on that list?

Can anyone compare any period in Iranian history, that in a such a short period of time, so many forward-looking, progressive, modern legislations has been passed?

The answer is NO.

Thanks to FA for initiating this discussion. Masoud jan merci. 


The trouble was with the 1906 constitution!

by MM on

In my opinion, Mosaddegh wanted to reform the constitution without an armed struggle.  The trouble with the 1906 constitution was that it gave too many undue powers to the shah as well as the clergy. So, in the long run, i do not think that the clergy were ready to give up powers.

That is why the Brits and the American operatives were so eager to get a letter from the shah dismissing Mosaddegh.  Without that letter, the coupe against Mosaddegh would be illegal, but with it, the coupe was "semi-legal" in line with the 1906 constitution.  And, of course, Mosaddegh (and JM) have traditionally supported and wanted to work within the "current" constitution. 

  Fariba khanoom - thanks for the history lesson

Fariba Amini

Thank you

by Fariba Amini on

Dear Aynak,

Very well said.  One of the main arguments between the Shah and Mossadegh was that he should reign and not rule.  

Massoud dear,

I disagree with you.  Mossadegh would not be Mossadegh if he had unleashed the army or the tribes to suppress the coup.  He was at heart a parliamentarian ; he was too advanced for Iran. He thought Iran can be a Switzerland or France.  He was wrong in that respect. 

I think he also saw that despite his efforts, the British and the Americans had made every effort to undermine him and that maybe it was already too late.   Remember, when Georges McGhee came to him in his hotel room in the Shoreham in Washington, DC.  he told him immediately that "you did not come to a compromise with the British?"  He saw what was going to happen.  Everyone had turned against him, only a few good men and the general population who supported him. 

He was also an old man and maybe he had given up.  He tried to mend things with the clerics, to bring them on board (and many did) but so many forces within and without had conspired to undermine him.  it was about power, money, positions, etc.  It was never about standing behind the PM in order to save the country.  Not much has changed since!!   Look at how everyone is trying to grab a piece of the pie and the IRI has not even fallen yet! 

Also,  I think the British (and it was not just about oil) did not want to set a precedent.  If they allowed national movements to grow and prosper, then the whole region and other countries (their colonies) would follow Iran.

Years later, in Ahmad Abad, he told my father, even if I had agreed to the 60/40 deal they would have brought me down.  They wanted a puppet and they got it !

They wanted to sell arms, bring in their military advisors, create SAVAK ( created in 1957 ) and not during the premiership of Dr. M.

Do you think Dr. M. would have agreed to any of the above?  NO way.

He was a nationalist and against any negative foreign influence. Maybe he could have saved the day but not the future.  


جناب عینک،


جناب عینک،

۳ سال قبل در جریان جنبش سبز بطور اتفاقی‌ در یوو توب

با شخصی‌ آشنا شدم که شبانه روز در جهت آزادی ایران

از دست ملّا‌های جنایتکار در تلاش و مبارزه بود. او با

نام مستعار شیرزدگن شب نامه‌های خود را پخش می‌کرد.

چندی نگذشت که او توسط مزدوران اسلامی دستگیر شد.

بعد از آن از او خبری ندارم. من به پاس یاد آن دوست عزیز و عالیقدر 

از نام او برای ای.د در سایت ای.س استفاده کردم. اسم بنده سیاوش است و

به هیچ وجه اینجانب حاضر به تغییر نامم نیستم.

در هر حال،  پادشه سمبل اتحاد، یکپارچگی و تما مییت عرضی ایران در

طول تاریخ بوده است. اجداد ما برای هزاران سال پادشا ه داشته اند.

پادشا ه و ملت لازم و ملزوم یک دیگران. پس از رفتن پادشا ه ایران

همانگونه که دیدید ملت ما روی خوشی ندید. استقرار مجدد پادشاهی

تهز مین کننده اسودگی‌ و سر بلندی ملت ماست.

Masoud Kazemzadeh

Dear Fariba and Zendanian

by Masoud Kazemzadeh on

Dear Fariba,

Thank you for the excellent blog and your translation of Dr. Shaygan’s book.






Dear Zendanian,

I agree with pretty much all your comments here.

In my opinion, Dr. Mossadegh made a huge mistake. He should have asked the Qashqai tribes to sent their armed people to Tehran to defend the Radio Station and his house. The same with Sanjabi tribes. But most significantly, he should have used the radio and make a general call for all the freedom seeking supporters to come to the streets and defend their legitimate government.

Dr. Mossadegh made a huge mistake. And because of that fatal mistake, our nation has been suffering from 59 years of brutal tyranny by the monarchist and fundamentalist fascistic savages.

Earlier, Khalil Maleki had suggested to Mossadegh to form a JM militia composed of those JM supporters who had done their military service (sarbazi). Mossadegh opposed the idea and said that if JM form its own militia then all other parties would also have the right to form their own armed militia. And one could not have democracy when political parties have armed militia.

I think, that Mossadegh really believed in non-violent form of political struggle. The PROBLEM is that non-violence does not work against brutal SAVAGES who are willing to do any massacres and any brutalities in order to stay in power.

Thank YOU for all your wonderful posts.

Best regards,







همون که عینک گفت! و چه خوش گفت...


شیرزاده که شاه نمی خواهد.


 شیر جان - اصلا بی خیال مصدق، که همین شهبانو چند فقط پیش فرمودند شاه چقدر به مصدق ارادت داشت. اصلا اون خائن بود و در اون کمتر از ۳ سال خیلی ضربات زد .   شما بگو، بعد از مصدق چرا شاه بر نگشت شاه مشروطه بشه؟  چرا نگذاشت دوباره نخست وزیر مملکت رو اداره کنه  و مجلس نظا رت ؟   شما اگر یک جو انصاف داری با همان روحیه شیر و پلنگی خودتون بفرمایید، هر سال که از "قیام ملی ۲۸ مرداد" گذشت چرا شاه عرصه سیاسی رو به ملت تنگ تر کرد؟   چرا با محدود کردن  نخست وزیر آغاز کرد بعد مجلس و هی آبکی تر و آبکی تر کرد و در نهایت اون ۲ تا حزبی رو هم که زیر سایه ایشون فعالیت میکردند و اتفاقا حزب ایران نوین در رامسر برنامه های بلند مدت خوبی رو پایه گذاری کرده بود، چرا اون ها رو هم نتوانست تحمل کنه؟  اون ها هم افسر توده ای بودند؟      حالا ما به این انگل کاری نداریم، خودش گفته من نوکر انگلیسم، انتظار بیشتری هم از متینی ها و رشیدیان ... این ها نمی شود داشت. جون من  شما  حرف حسابت چیه؟   این شاه مشروطه بود؟

والله  بلا  - حکمش هست که آمریکا داد به شاه (تا حدی با زور) ایشون در می رفت (به گفته ای می ترسید از عکس العمل مردم به گفته شهبانو از شدت علاقه بود به مصدق ) هرچی که بود آمریکا/انگلیس یک حکم دادند دستش که این مصدق رواز نخست وزیری  ساقط کن.   ایشون هم کرد.  اون فاطمی رو هم که بلکهره میگن موتور محرک جنبش ملی کردن نفت بود هم که گلوله بارون کردند. ۳۷ سال بعدش شما ها می فرمایید همون آمریکا به ایشون گفت یا علی بزن به چاک ، ایشون هم زدند به چاک.    خودشون هم قبلش گفتند، مردم ایران من صدای شما را شندیم،   یعنی چی؟   یعنی غلط کردم، اشتباه کردم، وگرنه تست شنوایی که نداده بودند به ایشون که حالا پاسخ بدند بله شنیدم.   حالا ما چی میگیم؟  می گیم اگر ۶۰ سال پیش نمی گذاشتند، حالا دیگه شرایط جهانی تقییر پیدا کرده.   آمریکا می گه نفت بدید،  ۱۰۰ دلار هم باشه می خریم.   انگلیس هم که دیگه اصلا گهی نیست (غیر از تخیلات شما ها و این انگل که به نوکری افتخار می کنه) خوب پس بیاید اتحاد کنیم.   دور چی؟   دور دولت قانونی منتخب مردم.   هر زمان که خطا کردند (که خواهند کرد چون انسان هستند) اگر قابل بخشش نبود یا اصلا کارشون خوب نبود، مردم می گویند خلاص.  اگر هم خوب بود که بماند خدمت کند.   اخه اصلا این عیبه که در قرن ۲۱ - ما انقدر اعتماد به نفس نداشته باشیم که به عنوان یک انسان همه اش دنبال یک "امام" یا "شاه" باشیم که بخواهیم با دستمال یزدی از ایشان گردگیری نماییم.  این ملت خیلی استعداد دارد و این سرزمین خیلی سرمایه حیف است که بجای قانون و خرد جمعی همش در خیال این باشیم که یک نفر بیاید آقا بالاسر بر ما شاهی کند.   نمی دانم، شاید هم در سیرت انسان هاست و یک عده بدنیا آمده اند که نوکری و بندگی کنند و تعظیم به دیگران، و یک عده می خواهند نه نوکر باشند و نه نوکر داشته باشند.   فکر --شاه-- دوستی در بطن خود، ضمیر خود کم بینی است.  این رضا جان را نگاه کنید.   پسر بدی نیست.   ولی به جرات می توانم بگویم که شاید ضریب هوشی متوسط اگر داشته باشد بیشتر ندارد.   اخه به چه دلیل چه بصیرت چه عمل ایشون بیایند شاه ۷۰ ملیون بشوند؟   شما شیری - شیر خودش شاه خودش است.   او که دنبال شاه باشد که دیگر شیر نیست. 


The link between Mosdaeq & SAVAK!


Although SAVAK morphed into an institution promoting human rights and democracy in the decades of the 60's and 70's but in its original form it had deal with the elements of leftist and Tudeh in a decisive manner. This was as a direct resutl of Dr. Mosadeq's instigation of communists and clergies to disoby the Parliament and the Shah himself. This link between Mosadeq and SAVAK has been well established in the recent history of Iran.

Shlomo is for the reestablishment of SAVAK once Monarchy is back in Iran.

Fariba Amini


by Fariba Amini on

در ابتدا شمه ای از خصوصیات شخصی دکتر مصدق را که تاثیرگذار در شناحت
مردم از وی و تأثیرگذار بر قضاوت آنان در باره وی و موجب اعتماد و یا عدم
اعتماد به وی میگردید را مختصرا ذکر میکنم، تا سپس مفصلتر بتوان رفتار
سیاسی ـ اجتماعی او را مورد بررسی قرار داد. دکتر مصدق در طول زندگی سیاسیش
کوششی برای جمع آوری مال و منال برای خود نکرد و حتی در پست نخست وزیری نه
تنها هرگز حقوق از دولت دریافت نمی‌کرد بلکه پول پرواز خود به لاهه و
نیویورک برای دفاع از منافع ایران را از جیب خود و نه از صندوق نخست وزیری
پرداخت. او مبارزات مستمری با رشوه خواری در کل دستگاه دولتی و حاکمه چه
بعنوان کارمند دولت، چه بعنوان والی خراسان و یا در وزارت مالیه (دارایی)
انجام داد که مخالفین زیادی را نیز برایش فراهم ساخت. بالاخره اینکه ادب و
معنویت سیاسی او در دیالوگ با مردم و موافقین یا مخالفینش و بویژه صبر و
تحملش در قبال مخالفین بگونه ای بود که خود او میگفت در قلب مخالفین باید
اثر کرد. این‌ها باضافه تیزبینی سیاسی و شفافیت نظری و شجاعتش از او شخصیتی
مورد احترام و اعتماد برای همه ساخت. نمونه‌های بسیاری در رابطه با احترام
و اعتماد به وی موجودند مانند: دفاع مردم با خونشان از او و با شعار یا
مرگ یا مصدق در ٣٠ تیر ١٣٣١ ، یا اینکه زاهدی در لحظه دستگیری دکتر مصدق پس
از کودتای ٢٨ مرداد، از ایشان بواسطه مشکلاتی که در جریان دستگیری برایشان
پیش آمده، عذرخواهی نمود و یا اینکه آرنولد مک نیر از وکلای انگلیسی در
دادگاه لاهه پس از چندی در دیداری به دکتر غلامحسین مصدق گفت: پدرت از
بزرگترین افراد تاریخ ایران است، مجسمه او را باید از طلا بسازند (از کتاب
در کنار پدرم صفحه ١١١)


More historical fact for Aynak/Parham...

by Shirzadegan on

Shah in Plea to Court

When the judges returned to the courtroom at 9:25 o'clock this evening Maj. Gen. Nasrollah Moghbeli, the court president, read a letter addressed to the court by the Shah in which the monarch praised "the services rendered by Dr. Mossadegh during his first year as Premier in connection with nationalization of the oil industry which is desired by the whole nation and is confirmed and supported by the monarchy itself." The Shah said he bore the former Premier no personal animus for derogatory actions and remarks Dr. Mossadegh had directed against him.

So the problem was NOT nationalizing oil. The issue was much deeper than that.

Fariba Amini

Ali: Good

by Fariba Amini on

Ali: Good questions

Esfand: You are funny!

Zendanian:  good comments

Mr. Ang:   As usual you are out of line. 

Why don't you look at a photo of his Majesty with Queen Elizabeth. Later he blamed the Briitsh and the BBC for his downfall. 


Typical monarchists' desperate lies and distortions

by Zendanian on

The clip on the sporting event mentions nothing about knifing, violence or anything of that type.

It's simply a short sports report.

monarchists are not only losers in the historical sense, they're also very bad sore losers in the present as well.

Most ridiculous part is when they try to "educate," when barely passing a minimal level of reading and writing comprehension.

As previously mentioned before: monarchists hate and despise Iranian people, Iranian people have the exact same feelings for them. 


Shayegan and JM leaders visit Shaban Jafaris' gym

by anglophile on

This picture was printed in Dr Fatemi's newspaper and during the period when Shaban was kniving people at the behst of JM:    //4.bp.blogspot.com/_M6gPQI93Q0E/RtGGs3Ph-2I/AAAAAAAAAJM/8xrDP2UuF-Y/s400/bakhtar+Emrooz_2.jpg  


For educational materials for Aynak information

by Shirzadegan on

 "...how could even 7000 communist officer change Iran?" Aynak .

I took below from Central committee of Tudeh party. It has been translated by Dr. Mazier Behrooz who is an assistance history proferssior at University of California in San Francisco.

Western observers viewed the Tudeh as the country's only real political organization. The party's organization was strong and had a large number of mostly urban based, disciplined members and supporters. It was popular among the working class and played a leading role in the country's biggest labor organization, the Central Council of the United Trade Unions of Iranian Workers and Toilers. According to a CIA estimate in 1952 the party had 20,000 hard-core members, 8,000 of whom were in Tihran and that the party rank and file were predominantly proletarian.

Although outlawed in the late 1940s, the party had managed to reorganize and once more function effectively by the time of the movement for nationalization of oil. The party had a network of loyal supporters among the officers corps of the imperial armed forces and was well aware of the impending coup. The party used this information to warn Musaddiq resulting in the defeat of the first coup attempt on August 16, 1953.

The decimation of the Tudeh's Military Organization, in 1954, eliminated the party's offensive capability and the discovery and decimation of its Intelligence Organization removed the party's defensive shield. All these translated into a disaster of historic proportions for the Tudeh. In less than five years, in the midst of the Cold War, one of the largest communist movements in the Middle East was removed from the scene without much resistance.


Ali P. Question

by Shirzadegan on

"I have read a lot about the days leading to that day, but I still have no idea what Dr. Mossadegh's immediate plan was." Ali P

Dear Ali,

The plan was to declare "Democratic Republic of Iran". The country ran by Mosaddeq and his comrades Tudeh Party back by Soviet Union. Something like Duetch Democratic Republic back by Soviet and we know what happened to them. I was living in West Berlin and my train was runing through east Berlin back in 80's. Everytime the train was going through East Berlin and Karl Marx station I would have seen a crowd of unemployed people who were standing around wanting to smugle Cigarettes. I felt sorry for them. It always reminded me of MOSADDEQ DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT. Back in 70's Iranian truck drivers were traveling these democratic countries and saying how the women in these countries selling their bodies in exchange for pack of Cigarettes or pair of socks because of high degree of poverty in those countries. It always reminded me of MOSADDEQ DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT. Don't get deceive by this crowd. AMINI and his family were on payroll by Mosaddeq and they were receiving fund from him. Their approach to our history is biased in favor of a man who was trying to put our nation in misery. The same thing Khomainie did in 1979.

    When shah left the country these Khaen never said that shah should return and reign not rules. They were preparing to declare Democratic government. More the less the same thing Khomainie did in 1979.  That was the plan. Now, those who keep saying Mosaddeq democratic government doesn't know this historical fact or they try to close their eyes and decieve themselves.

Seriously, who can even compare Iran progress under smart leadership of shah with those screwed up countries such as DDR?




another historical lie

by Shirzadegan on

"...the men around him except for a few who betrayed him and ultimately their own nation, were of the same view and they were men of the highest integrity" Fariba Amini

The above statement is completely lie. One of those men around Mosaddeq was Dr.Karim Sanjabi who were kissing Khomaini rear end in 1979 saying Khomainie government (mullah's hegemony) is true democracy. Now, everybody knows Jebhe Melli and their supporters were liars and KHAEN who sold our beautiful country to a bunch of the stinky rag head criminals. We are suffering everyday of our lives because of those khaens. If shah wouldn't return on 28 Mordad and Mosaddeq along with Ayatollah Kashani and tudeh party back by Soviet would have done the same thing Khomaini and Sanjabi did 33 years ago. Stop lying please.


Re:The best lack all conviction, while the worst ....

by aynak on


Dear Zendanian,

 Please read what I wrote to you.   I truly don't  believe 2nd coming apply here, not at least to Mossadegh.   I did tell my father what his generation did not on that day, but when Mossadegh was put on trial, and not just that as every shred of Mashroteh got undone by Shah methodically.   He had no good answer.



خانم امینی شما چرا؟


شما که میخواهید سری بین سر‌ها در آورید و خودرا مثلا آکادمیک جلوه دهید صحیح نیست که همچون یک کودک خردسال حسرت به دل‌ صحبت کنید. اگر قیمت آن ماشین نهصد هزار دلار شده فقط به فقط به خاطر اسم شاه است که قیمتش بالا رفته وگرنه اگر به یک شخص معمولی تعلّق داشت بیش چند هزار دلاری نمی‌‌ارزید. درضمن شما و اخوی باید بهتر از همه بدانید که مصدق السّلطنه در زمان والیگری فارس املاک بیشماری را به نام خود کرده بود که حتی دایی او فرمانفرما هم به تعجّب افتادهٔ بود. مصدق السّلطنه ثروتمندترین نخست وزیر ایران بود. 



by Shemirani on

Shayegan the russian :D !!!! from Makki 's book (go to 1:33)



دلقکان ناچیز، پلشت، عقده ی ظل اللهی


و عظمت و شکوه تاریخی مردم سالاری در ایران  به رهبری دکتر مصدق. هیچ احتیاجی به توضیح ندارد.  


پر افتخارترین لایحه مصوبی دوران مصدق السلطنه





 مجلس شورای ملی در دوره هفدهم در تاریخ ۱۱ مرداد ۱۳۳۱ به خواست دولت در ماده واحده‌ای چنین تصویب کرد:

چون خیانت حاجعلی رزم‌آرا بر ملت ایران ثابت گردیده هرگاه قاتل او استاد خلیل طهماسبی باشد به موجب این قانون مورد عفو قرار می گیرد و آزاد می شود .

به این ترتیب طهماسبی در ۲۴ آبان ۱۳۳۱ از زندان آزاد شد.


لازم به توضیح است که تصویب این لایحه با پشتیبانی کامل نمایندگان جبهه ملی‌ به رهبریت مصدق السلطنه و زعامت معنوی آیت‌الله کاشانی صورت گرفت.


حالا شد ۱۹۸ تا لایحه (لام الف لام).


Jenab AI,an intelligent ministry within a democracy and kept in

by Zendanian on

check by a healthy, vibrant, strong Civil Society (which we had during Mosadegh's Era in Iran) in one thing.

An intelligence ministry pumped up after a Coup engineered by foreigners, hell bent on destruction of any and all democracy and Civil Society in Iran is quite another.

In other words Intelligence Minstries per se are not evil in and of themselves, it is the policy and the histroical circumstances that dictate thier nature.

As long as we have Nation-States in the world, and conflicting national interests we will continue to have intelligence services. The question becomes how and who ultimately directs and holds them accountable? People's legally elected representatives? Or self-appointed dictators.

SAVAK of 1933-35, and SAVAK of early 70's coupled with Rastakhiz single-party system were not exactly the same, except the name of course.

P.S. Take a note of practically all Intelligence Ministry in Western democracies, and Japan adn even India and China (although the last two to a lot less of an extent) they are still accountable to all laws of the land, and even forced by law to publish all their internal documents after a certain historical period, and responsible for citizen's legal request for information. Such as Freedom of Information Act in US.

P.S.S. In late 40's and early 50's Iranian Civil Society was by any and all definitions the most advanced, and extended in the entire Middle East. 


Jenab-e Zendanian

by All-Iranians on

Did you know among those 200 bills (as you wrote "... which remain the most progressive set of legislation in ANY PERIOD OF IRANIAN HISTORY") was the primary SAVAK legislation too? Upon that primary legislation, the final legislation of SAVAK was approved by the parliament in 1335 Khorshidi and SAVAK was actually established shortly after. You could be right if you would write it as 199 bills!


"We are sort of Monday morning quarter backing here."

by Zendanian on

I guess we could all safely agree on that!

Or as our resident philospher Prof. DM would say: " If my Aunti had moustache, she would become my Uncle!" 

Bygones are bygone, and so on and so on.

Yet, deep down somehere in my mind, I've always had the nagging question of what if: What if Mosadegh had figured out all angles, and only if he, and everyone opposed to the coup had a plan for each and every possibility,...usually around this point I wake up from sleep and...have to go to work! 

Mosadegh had some limitations and many, many achievements. During his administration, Iranian Parliment passed more than 200 bills, which remain the most progressive set of legislation in ANY PERIOD OF IRANIAN HISTORY, bar none.  That legislative record of his administration in and of itself, is a glorious chapter of Iranian history seldom discussed. 

P.S. How did you like Yeat's poem?

Fariba Amini


by Fariba Amini on

Mr. AmirParviz,


To call PM Mossadegh a lackey is the most absurd thing I have ever heard. Not even RP dares call him that, in fact he told me right to my face that Dr. Mossadegh was a patriot and a great man. 

On a different note,  Monarchy is never coming back, neither that of Pahalvi's or any ohter. It is in the past, gone and done with.



Esfand Aashena

امیرپرویز تو مثل اینکه خیلی‌ قاطی‌ هستی‌!

Esfand Aashena

انگلیسا مصدق دست نشونده و نوکر خودشون رو فرستادند تو دادگاه لاهه که آبروشون رو ببره! 

محمد رضا پهلوی طفلک اصلا نمی‌خواست از ایتالیا برگرده، و عطا ی ایران رو به لقاش بخشیده بود.  گفت اصلا خر ما از کرگی دم نداشت!  به زور تو ۲۸ مرداد با تو سری برش گردوندند ایران که دیگه هوس ایتالیا رفتن وسط جنجال رو نکنه!

Everything is sacred


Re:The best lack all conviction, while the worst

by aynak on


Dear Zendanian, you wrote:

"T hose who ought to have had a plan of action,- Mosadegh, Tudeh, people in the streets,...-, had none, (with the exception of Dr. Fatemi and Khosro Rozbeh)."

I am not sure this is correct about Mossadegh for the following reasons:

1953 coup was the first time CIA was used to overthrow a government. So from Mossadegh's view, and since in the 13 years after Reza Shah's fall to this date, several governments had come, gone and come back like Qavams or his own on 30th of Tir, he had no reason to think this will amount to anything more than what was about to happen.  In addition this period was a period that MR.Pahalavi was actually acting as constituional monarch more or less, so no reason to think he would really turn into monster he did, also given MRP's weak character etc up to that point.  In essence he  may have thought even if his government is forced out, may be there will be another effort to bring him back by people, and through legal means, or some other factions after things cool down.  Many parliamentary heads of state come and go as we have seen in Europe.   We are sort of Monday morning quarter backing here.   We know the outcome he did not.   So he probably figured, ok they will take over but he will return in a few years, or even if he did not, some other government will be formed after a period of  time if not even sooner.

I think from his own perspective he already accomplished quiet a lot by nationalizng the oil, and I think he may have thought this was irreversible.   Alas he understimated power of treason and what came.   Remember, if as these liers are barking today, Shah was truely going to be --Mashroteh King--, after Mossadegh's decree (written by U.S and signed by Shah), Shah could have stepped aside and called for Majless to picka  new PM.   But as we saw in this true coup, this was the end of Mashroteh as we knew it.   Shah was not about to let anyone except his stupid self to rule and rule absolutely, as we saw with every single one of the P.M's after Mossadegh, and as we saw his grip got even stronger as he went along.

Please also note, that we are talking the period right after WWII, when suddenly a lot of countries like India got their independence and also U.N was formed and rather well established supposedly with the agenda of countries respecting each others independence and sovereignty.

He could have figured that for the balance of power:

A-Russia would not allow it, much like Brits/US forced Russia out of Iran right after WWII

B-Even if U.S does this, they would face consequences and would have to  change/back off (again remember this was first CIA coup).

I wish I had access to his view in 1960's to know where he stood on a lot of these things and how his view may have changed inlight of what happened.   But my sense is, he would not have done things very differenctly, because he believed in the rule of law, not coup. 



Esfand Mossadegh was a lackey, He was a PM & dissolvedparliament

by amirparvizforsecularmonarchy on

the Brits and their media fully supported Mosadegh within iran and if it was not for the shahs team getting the USA to support the Shah after mossadegh dissolved parliament (not a small act, you never hear of a PM doing this in the west).  The brits would not have had to face the decision they were made to face, which was to betray their own agent Mossadegh, in order to be on the winning side, which was with the Shah and the politcal support of the USA.  Of course that he was a UK stooge that his owners at BP were celebrating at champaign partys, due to his strategy of Nationalization which caused Iran to lose its Incomes from kuwait, bahrain and Iraqi oil for good as well as being forced to pay high fines is not discussed by Miss Amini.  Monarchy is good for iran, always has been, politicians screw iranians and are dealing with powers that dominate them.

What Iran needs today, is A Mohammed Reza Pahlavi and the kind of iranian Patriots that served him, not a khomeini or a Mossadegh.  We know the real progress of society towards development and democracy his team achieved Iranians were thwarted in 1979, thats the point and the lesson, next time we need to learn so Iranians do not allow it to happen again. 


The best lack all conviction, while the worst

by Zendanian on

All historical facts point out to the not so pleasant truth that:

those who ought to have had a plan of action,- Mosadegh, Tudeh, people in the streets,...-, had none, (with the exception of Dr. Fatemi and Khosro Rozbeh).

And those who ought to have beem marginalized and kept out, had all the schemes ready to acheive their goals.

Somehow this poem by Yeats sounds so appropriate for this epic tragedy.



    Turning and turning in the widening gyre
    The falcon cannot hear the falconer;
    Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
    Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
    The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
    The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
    The best lack all conviction, while the worst
    Are full of passionate intensity

    Surely some revelation is at hand;
    Surely the Second Coming is at hand.
    The Second Coming! Hardly are those words out
    When a vast image out of Spiritus Mundi
    Troubles my sight: a waste of desert sand;
    A shape with lion body and the head of a man,
    A gaze blank and pitiless as the sun,
    Is moving its slow thighs, while all about it
    Wind shadows of the indignant desert birds.

    The darkness drops again but now I know
    That twenty centuries of stony sleep
    Were vexed to nightmare by a rocking cradle,
    And what rough beast, its hour come round at last,
    Slouches towards Bethlehem to be born?


Ali P.

@EA jaan

by Ali P. on

Very funny!! :-)