Thirty Years On

Every passing day the young demand more from their leaders

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Thirty Years On
by sadegh
01-Feb-2009
 

Thirty years have now passed since the stern, bearded visage of Ayatollah Khomeini graced our television screens decrying the many "ills" of the West and its allies. It was a revolution few, if any, at the time had anticipated, one participants and observers alike still endeavor to properly understand.

Khomeini's image, which has since become a kind of shorthand for the West's first encounter with the forces of radical Islam, continues to arouse fear and hostility. But 30 years on, that turbulent time in Iranian history continues to leave Western audiences perplexed, with little comprehension of the forces that incited crowds to chant "Death to America."

In this haze of images, which for the most part dwelled upon the imminent threat to Western interests presented by "black-turbaned reactionaries," Iran's 100-year struggle for political independence against colonial dictatorship was more often than not elided in a frenzy of sensationalism and hysteria. Incidents such as the 1953 MI6-CIA-orchestrated coup d'etat, which ousted Iran's democratically elected prime minister, Mohammad Mossadegh, and their importance in Iran's meandering path toward revolution were simply cast aside. Sadly, the tableau commonly offered up for consumption (even to this day) is that of a mob of "fanatical zealots" stirred up and manipulated by a bunch of "mad mullahs." No nuance, no context.

Today, with the benefit of hindsight, the world-historic proportions of the Iranian revolution of 1979 are becoming clear. Not only did this event initiate the end of the 50-year-old, American-backed Pahlavi dynasty, but it also brought to a cathartic climax the dissolution of 2,500 years of Persian monarchy and the arrival of the first theocratic republic in modern history.

Since those early days of the revolution and the ascendance of the clergy to the seat of power, Iran has undergone eight years of brutal war with Saddam Hussein's Iraq, which resulted in 1,000,000 casualties, the American hostage crisis, revolutionary purges, the Cultural Revolution, the infamous Rushdie fatwa, sanctions, and international isolation.

On the other hand, the last 20 years have also witnessed the rapid expansion of civil society, the growth of local government, and the participation of women en masse in Iranian society. Today women outnumber their male counterparts in institutes of higher learning. Moreover, 70 percent of Iran's population is under the age of 30, and with every passing day the young demand more from their leaders.

Back in 1997, the future looked bright under the unassuming and kindly reformist President Seyyed Mohammad Khatami, who was riding on a crest of popular support (70 percent of the popular vote to be exact). Khatami, in stark contrast to his predecessors, chose to stress the rule of law and transparent elections. Iran was entering a new era, in which a language of accountability was increasingly injected into mainstream discourse, with a courageous and indomitable press its foremost champion.

Despite Khatami's endeavors to foster dialogue between East and West, the Bush administration dubbed Iran a member of the "axis of evil." This event was not only a major setback to the Khatami government in its dealings with the international community, but it also played right into the hands of Iran's hard-liners, who have long tried to forestall the realization of an Iranian détente with the West.

Furthermore, and in spite of his best efforts, Khatami often found himself being undercut through official and unofficial channels and harassed by the powerful, conservative forces who man the unelected Guardian Council and judiciary. Nevertheless, Khatami's legacy is still vehemently contested, and there is little doubt that nostalgia is strong for the days of reform, with calls abounding for his entry in the presidential race set to take place this June.

Most analysts agree that many of the popular initiatives first embarked upon by Khatami have since been hampered and "reined in" by the election of radical populist Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who seems to have reawakened the West's collective memory of the Islamic revolution and its more reactionary tendencies. At the domestic level, the former mayor of Tehran is increasingly resented for his mismanagement of the economy. His many sins in this regard include the squandering of an unparalleled oil revenue surplus and climbing inflation, the likes of which Iran has not seen in years.

While the UK reinstated relations with Iran some years ago, a U.S.-Iranian rapprochement remains elusive. Yet even under President Bush, the U.S. had been negotiating with Iran over the security situation inside Iraq and Afghanistan to great effect, and it was also on the sidelines of Iran's nuclear-program negotiations with the European Union.

The question of whether there will be a substantive shift under the Obama administration has evoked both positive and pessimistic responses. His appointment of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who openly stated that if Iran were to attack Israel the U.S. would "totally obliterate" the Islamic Republic, has not been a particularly encouraging sign. Her statement upon Senate confirmation also offered absolutely nothing that significantly deviates from the course of Iran-U.S. relations pursued under the Bush administration. Nor has the rumor that Dennis Ross, a key ally of the hawkish Washington Institute for Near East Policy, may be given the so-called "Iran portfolio" quelled analysts' growing pessimism. A recent op-ed by Ross in Newsweek merely emphasizes the fact that he differs little, if at all, from the Bush administration in terms of his bellicosity toward Iran.

President Obama has promised much, and there still remains doubt as to whether he will be able to deliver. After initially pledging unconditional talks with the Iranian leadership, Obama's stance on Iran has become more restrained, much closer to the status quo bestowed by his predecessor. Reports state that he has been advised to bide his time until Iran's June presidential election, after which a new figure may come to the fore "with whom America can deal." "Change," it seems, will have to wait a while longer till it reaches Iranian shores.

Sadegh Kabeer is an Iranian student and antiwar activist.First published on Antiwar.com

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more from sadegh
 
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Every time the Islamic

by Mehrban (not verified) on

Every time the Islamic Republic feels threatened you see Khatami appear as a moderate figure to represent an alternative candidate. This is a clever tactic of the Islamic Republic to prolong its hold on power.

Khatami (personally maybe more moderate than others) has been a senior member of this government and has never to my knowledge protested its actions.

The idea of drumming the "Moderates" has prolonged the rule of the Islamic Republic. At the risk of making a sweeping generalization, it seems to me that no true moderate could survive in the senior ranks of this organization for long.


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Beating a dead horse...

by Reality (not verified) on

Revolution occurred in February 1979 and died a month later when Ayatollah Khomeini described his own past claims and promises and then present behavior best by saying "khod'eh kardam" (I lied). He lied about shah and he lied about what he promised to bring to people. Had shah magically survived, none of us would be living in the west and none of the majority of other 70 million inside would run around trying to find a way out to dubai, indonesia, malaysia, or anywhere else that they can get visa from.

Revolution died in a month when khomeini who had complained about atrocities of Savak, killed in a month, without due process, more than shah had killed in his entire regime.

Revolution died in a month when khomeini who had complained about thievery of shah's regime, filled planes with iranian assets (arms, treasure, and arts) and shipped to his brothers in lebanon.

Revolution died when khomeini who was complaining about lack of free speech master-minded ransacking of Ayandegan newspaper office when he disliked what it had written and hanged the first newspaper editor few months later.

Revolution died when khomeini who had complained about authoritarian rule of the shah institutionalized rule of vali-faghih over People and law of sharia over all aspects of people's lives.

...

The only ones who still support revolution are those who still live in 1970s, have financial ties to the regime, or are ideologues for whom "iran" and "iranians" are secondary to their fights elsewhere, let it be for islam, for arab causes, animosity with pahlavi regime, or negative attitudes towards the west. Even they, when they have been able to, have run away from the islamic republic and voice their support for the 30 year old Ponzi scheme of fraud and deceit from outside iran, as they find in iran no place for them to educate, to make a living, or to tolerate the atrocities of the regime. They are none but run-away hypocrites who dare not living inside yet remain imprisoned in their love for their ideology more than any affinity that they may or may not have for iran or iranians.

Supporters of the regime are still cheering around a dead horse whose only evidence of existence is nothing but the smell of the rotting corpse that they enjoy while accusing others who place iran above any religion or ideology with the same old rhetorics of zionist, imperialist, monarchist, ...; the terms that have long lost their appeal; accusations that have failed to produce anything useful, bread on the table, job, prosperity, freedom, for iranians within.

May khomeini and his supporters rot in hell forever; may MY country be free of any legacy of that criminal whose regime cannot be compared to any previous iranian regime, as none oppressed iranians as much as IRI, and as only invaders and aggressors and occupiers of iran can be compared to the disaster that that beast brought to iran and iranians.


Darius Kadivar

FYI/Iran arrests women's rights campaigner (AFP)

by Darius Kadivar on

Iran has arrested a women's rights activist involved in an award-winning campaign that seeks changes to laws deemed unfair to women, a newspaper reported on Sunday.

Security officials arrested Nafiseh Azad on Saturday in the Darakeh mountains north of Tehran while she was collecting signatures for the campaign's petition, the Sarmayeh newspaper said.

Iran arrests women's rights campaigner


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Most comprehensive analysis of Iranian revolution after 30 years

by sickofiri (not verified) on

The Islamic Revolution of 1979 is an event defined as much by its ironies and paradoxes
as by its novelties and cruelties.
It was, by scholarly near-consensus, the most “popular revolution” in modern times —
almost 11% of the population participated in it, compared to the approximate 7% and
9% of the citizens who took part in the French and Russian revolutions. As a concept,
revolution is itself a child of modernity, in that it revolves around the idea that legitimate
power can emanate only from a social contract consecrated by the general will of
a sovereign people. Before the rise of modernity and the idea of the natural rights of
human beings, “revolution” as a word had no political connotation and simply referred
to the movement of celestial bodies. The word took on its new political meaning — the
sudden, often violent, structural change in the nature and distribution of power and
privilege — when the idea of a citizenry (imbued with natural rights, including the right
to decide who rules over them) replaced the medieval idea of “subjects” (a passive populace,
bereft of rights, deemed needful of the guardianship of an aristocracy or royalty).
In Iran, despite the requisite popular agency of a revolution, events in 1979 paradoxically
gave rise to a regime wherein popular sovereignty was denigrated by the regime’s
founding father, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, as a colonial construct, created to undermine
the Islamic concept of umma (or spiritual community). In Ayatollah Khomeini’s
treatise on Islamic government, the will of the people is subservient to the dictates of
the divine, as articulated by the Supreme Leader. In this sense, his concept of an Islamic
Revolution is an oxymoron and its concomitant idea of Islamic government — velayate
faqih, or rule of the Jurist — is irreconcilable with the modern democratic ideal of
popular sovereignty. On the contrary, velayat-e faqih posits a population in need of a
guardian, much as minors need guardians. The people are, in other words, “subjects,” not
citizens. On the other hand, he called the same populace to a revolution —historically,
the defiant act of a citizenry cognizant of its ability and right to demand a new social
contract. The most popular of all “modern revolutions” then led to the creation of a state
whose constitution places absolute power in the hand of an unelected, unimpeachable
man, and whose basic political philosophy posits people as subjects and pliable tools of
the Faqih. If this constitutes the philosophical paradox of the Islamic Revolution, there
is also a stark historic paradox evident in its evolution.The Islamic Revolution was in a sense a replay of Iran’s first assay at a democratic constitutional government, one that took place in the course of the 1905-07 “Constitutional Revolution.” At that time, a coalition
of secular intellectuals, enlightened Shi‘ite clergy, bazaar merchants, the rudiments of a working class, and even
some members of the landed gentry came together to topple the Oriental Despotism of the Qajar kings and replace it
with a monarchy whose power was limited by a constitution (Mashruteh). Indeed, the new constitution emulated one
of the European models of a liberal democratic polity, one that allowed for elections and separation of powers, yet had
a monarch as the head of the state. In those years, the most ideologically cohesive and powerful opposition to this new
democratic paradigm was spearheaded by Ayatollah Nouri — a Shi‘ite zealot who dismissed modern, democratically
formulated constitutions as the faulty and feeble concoctions of “syphilitic men.” Instead, he suggested relying on what
he considered the divine infinite wisdom of God, manifest in Shari’a (Mashrua’). So powerful were the advocates of the
constitutional form of democracy that Nouri became the only ayatollah in Iran’s modern history to be executed on the
order (fatwa) of fellow ayatollahs. For decades, in Iran’s modern political discourse, Nouri’s name was synonymous with
the reactionary political creed of despots who sought their legitimacy in Shi‘ite Shari’a.

In Ayatollah Khomeini’s
treatise on Islamic government, the will of the people is subservient to the dictates of
the divine, as articulated by the Supreme Leader. In this sense, his concept of an Islamic
Revolution is an oxymoron and its concomitant idea of Islamic government — velayate
faqih, or rule of the Jurist — is irreconcilable with the modern democratic ideal of
popular sovereignty. On the contrary, velayat-e faqih posits a population in need of a
guardian, much as minors need guardians. The people are, in other words, “subjects,” not
citizens. On the other hand, he called the same populace to a revolution —historically,
the defiant act of a citizenry cognizant of its ability and right to demand a new social
contract. The most popular of all “modern revolutions” then led to the creation of a state
whose constitution places absolute power in the hand of an unelected, unimpeachable
man, and whose basic political philosophy posits people as subjects and pliable tools of
the Faqih. If this constitutes the philosophical paradox of the Islamic Revolution, there
is also a stark historic paradox evident in its evolution....read the rest!

//www.mideasti.org/files/Iran_Final.pdf


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aghay-e mohtaram! Kabir

by Fatollah (not verified) on

aghay-e mohtaram! Kabir Khan! This regime survives only becuase it has since its birth created crises after crises! And by riding these crises the regime prolongs its longevity! This regime does not give damn about the Palastinians, they need Israel and Isarel needs them back. Both to justify their actions in the name of whatever God, Land or Mammon! "Mardom-e hamish-e hazer dar sahne-ha" should always tell you something! Akhe koja-e donja mardom-e bikarand ke beravand tazahorat or Namz Jomeh, dar edare-jat beran namaz, pas to in mamlekat ke kar mekon-e! This regime does not give a damn about Iran and the wealth or health of the Iranians! The future of Iran is at risk, by the way please write a bit about corruption in the IRI for a change ...

PS! If you delete my post, then the hell with you!

Regards Fatollah


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who do u think....

by ali123 (not verified) on

is behind the mullahs????? you're dear friends at MI6!
and mossadegh was no damn akhoond....this time around, the brits have fulfilled their long lost fantasy of raping iran under the table without anyone being able to question it.....
where is carter to cry for human rights?
don't try to legitimize the mullahs as a valid entity to govern....they are and always will be a tool of foreigners....they have brought nothing but misery, bloodshed, shame, oppression.....and every other negative and shameful word you can think of

give iranians the "real choice" to pick....and we'll see if the mullahs will last 1 more sec in power!


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Today Women outnumber their

by snl (not verified) on

Today Women outnumber their male counterparts"

Disingenous, gratuitous, and misleading:

There are more women, because the men are unemployed because the IRI cannot create jobs for them. They can't afford to have wives and have family;hence, women have to fend for themselves and getting an education is the only way.

Also, religious families during the shah's era did not allow their daughters to attend secular schools because they deemed them as Haram but after the revolution the relgious families were comfortable to send their daughters to school with Hejab having been made compulsory by the Islamic republic of repression.


mahmoudg

Islamic Repulic is a failure

by mahmoudg on

From all economic and social indications the revolution of the last 30 years has been a dismal failure, with a 25% inflation rate, higher than any modern country, and an unemployment rate reaching 30%, i am not sure how the author justifies even an inkling of success in this failed experiment of Islamic theology.  Christianity came to this conclusion almost 400 years ago, and despite all the calls, Muslims still have their heads in the sand.  We just have to repeat the same mistakes christianity made until we realize, theology and politics dont mix.  Unfortunatley in the process our beloved Persia might be destroyed.


Fred

So what?

by Fred on

Among the achievements of the Islamist republic you enumerate you say: Today women outnumber their male counterparts in institutes of higher learning.” 

That is the case among others in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait as well, so what of it? The brutality of the Islamist republic and your “unassuming and kindly reformist President Seyyed Mohammad Khatami” is not that incidental that can be washed away by a meaningless platitude-ridden write up.